
Qass. 
Book. 



£:^l4_ 



v 



TO THE 



PEOPLE OF SUFFOLK, ' 



a 



OF 



ALL PARTIES. 



^ 

BY WILLIAM JAGGER 



PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR, 
By Craighead & Allen. 
1838. 



r- %%^ 



b^ 



3^^ 



To Hie People of Suffolh : 

Permit me to present to you a pamplilet giving an ac- 
count of the enormous expenses of our Government, and a short 
sketch of Mr. Van Buren's rnis-stateraents to Congi'ess, together 
with other important exposures. 



P PEOPLE OF SUFFOLK, 

^ OF ALL PARTIES, WHO LOVE THE TRUTH. 



To you I present a fair account of the expenses of our govern- 
ment at different periods. 

The first year that Mr. Monroe was President, 1821, there was 
spent ten millions, seven hundred and twenty-three thousand, four hun- 
dred and seventy-nine dollars. The first year that Mr. Adams was 
President, 1825, was spent eleven millions, four hundred and ninety 
thousand, four hundred and fifty-nine dollars. The first year Gene- 
ral Jackson was President, 1829, was spent twelve millions, six hun- 
dred and eighty-seven thousand, two hundred and sixteen dollars. 

From this you may notice there has been a gradual increase of the 
expenses as our population and business increased for eight years. 
Please notice, and for ever remember, what it cost to do our public 
business, eight years from that time, when. all their machinery was in 
full operation, and under the control of the constructor, Mr. Van Bu- 
ren, with Mr. Silas Wright, Mr. Buchanan, and Col. Benton, sena- 
tors, and Mr. Cambrelling, and a kw more, to assist in working 
these shaving machines ; they worked off our money last year ; by 
the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, thirty-five millions, two 
hundred and eighty-one thousand, three hundred and sixty-one dol- 
lars. This is a fine sum for them to spend for us in one year ; it is 
three hundred and eighly-one thousand, three hundred and sixty-one 
dollars, more than was spent in the three years above mentioned, by 
the three first named Presidents. Shame to those who did complain so 
bitterly against Mr. Adams for spending, as they said, too much, and 
wrongfully, too, while at this time, when more than three times as 
much is spent, not one word of complaint from them do I hear. If 
they were honest at that time, they have lost it, or that honest prin- 
ciple would not sleep at this time. Had I acted with them at that 
time, under the impression they were honest, I should leave them at 
1 



this time, for I will have no more to do with those who will blame 
others for what they will justify themselves in doing, than I can help. 
The fact was, Mr. Adams spent, I believe, as little as he could do at 
that time, and do justice ; while those do not appear to regard the peo- 
ple, who have spent our money wrongfully by millions. 

Our income for the last year, by the report of the secretary of the 
treasury, was nineteen millions, one hundred and ninety-nine thou- 
sand, nine hundred and eighty-one dollars ; this sum falls short of 
paying tiie sum spent in the year 1837 : as. 

Expenses for the year 1837, - - - 35,281,361 
Income of this year, ------ 19,199,381 

Deficit, 16,081,380 

If this sum that is deficient was to be raised by a tax, the county 
of Suffolk would have to pay about thirty-five thousand dollars ; this 
would cause us to feel, and look around, and inquire what it was 
spent for. Our lands are all bound to pay the debts. 

In the last three years, 1835, 1836, 1837, they spent ninety-one 
millions, one hundred and fourteen thousand, nine hundred and nine- 
ty-six dollars ; in Mr. Adams's four years, and Jackson's first three, 
was spent ninety millions, seven hundred and eighty-two thousand, se- 
ven hundred and sixty-nine dollars. You see there was three hundred 
and thirty-two thousand, two hundred and twenty-seven dollars more 
spent in three years, than was spent in seven years. I do not in the 
least doubt that more than forty millions of this was wrongfully re- 
tained from us. If it had been saved, as it might have been, and 
divided among the people, Suffolk county's share would have been 
one hundred thousand dollars, — as it was not spent in fortifications, or 
internal improvements, or no other way for the good of the people. 
That sum would pay for all the schooling and taxes for five or six 
years. They could not have spent this sum, did they not do it un- 
der the catch-word, republican, republican. For the people would 
not suffer our aifairs to go on as they do, if they would look round ; 
they then would see some of the best of men, whom they are made 
to believe are their enemies, who are now driven back from the 
management of their affairs. 

Their dividing our money among themselves, though wrongfully 
retained from us, is but a small part of the injury they have done 
the people. I know they have also been the cause of the hard times 
which has ruined thousands and injured most of the people ; and to 



get clear of the just charge and disgrace, they said speculation and 
over-trading in foreign goods were the causes — as so much specie 
was sent to Europe, they said repeatedly, to pay for the goods, made 
it scarce here ; and which, with tiie speculation, caused the hard 
times. It is true, the scarcity of money did cause the hard times; 
and the truth is, there is nothing more certain than to say, our pub- 
lic officers did cause the money to be scarce, as I will show. The 
fact is, there was more than twice as much specie brought here, as 
was sent away, the years, they say, so much was sent away that 
made it so scarce here, and was one great cause of the hard times. Col. 
Benton stales, in his speech, last winter, there was 

laiported. E> ported. 

In 1835, $13,131,437. $5,748,774. 

" 1836, 12,166,372. 4,435,815. 

" 1837, 10,954,432. " 6,714,990. 



36,252,261. 16,899,579. 

You see that more than twice as much specie was brought here as 
was sent away, the years they stated so much was sent away, it 
made the specie so scarce, that it was one great cause of the hard 
times. They will not deny this in any public paper, I presume, 
though it is rather a hard case to be convicted by our own wit- 
ness, of telling that which is not true, to deceive and mislead the 
people, which of all crimes, in my opmion, is deserving the great- 
est punishment. 

As it respects speculation, the money and land is all here, and of 
course it is only a shift of property. Speculation is the life of busi- 
ness, and the poor man's friend ; as it makes business plentj' and 
wages high. Money appears plenty, as it circulates fast from hand 
to hand. It was the stopping of the circulation of the mone}^ that 
caused hard times, and that our government did. Let us suppose 
a case : if all the money that was in circulation in the county two 
years past, was taken from a bank in the county, and the bank bound 
to pay specie for it. If the bank was informed that a few persons 
was getting a great amount of its bills on purpose to run the bank 
for specie, the bank would of course lend no more, but collect that 
which was out as fast as possible. You see the effect of this opera- 
tion on the bank; as they lend out most of their money for two, four, 
and six months, they would soon get the most of it in. Suppose all 
the banks in the city of New York had broken last winter, who would 



have lost nuicli by them t Was not llieir bills almost as scarce as 
specie ? We see that those who owed the banks, were able to pay 
them ; by paying them, it took the most of their bills that were in cir- 
culation, as but few pay specie. Why should the banks call on good 
men to pay up their notes? they lose the interest after that. Why 
should they do this? Was it done to distress those who owed them ? 
It was not done for that purpose. Had not the legislature permitted 
them to suspend paying specie last year, they would no doubt all 
liave broken, as they had payed out most all their specie before they 
stopped. Why was this general run upon the banks ? They, by col- 
lecting in their money, have proved that tliey were safe ; if safe, why 
run them for specie ? We see the effect of this. Business gene- 
rally had to stop, as business men could not command money to pay 
off their laborers. I say, our government was the whole cause of 
this run upon the banks. 1 wish someone would show me the crea- 
ture called " government ;" I have often seen those which the peo- 
ple call government ; I call them our public servants. And they, by 
their misconduct — that is, doing what they by law was bound not to 
do, did produce the hard times. I say it was the run upon the banks 
that drove them to collect in their bills, which caused them to be 
scarce, and the scarcity of money caused the hard times. Did not 
the great cry of specie ! specie 1 specie 1 first originate at Washing- 
ton, that raised the people's fancy for specie 1 The next we heard 
from W'ashington, was an order given to the receivers of our public 
money for the sale of the public lands, not to receive paper money. 
This, of course, drove the purchasers of the land to the banks for 
specie. As a great amount of our land was sold that year, the banks 
in the north-west and south were hard run for specie, as they were 
much nearer to the land offices, where the specie was to be paid, and 
the purchasers would of course get the specie from them, if they 
could. This caused the run upon the banks there, for hundreds of 
thousands of dollars, to pay for land sold by our public agents. 

This started thousands of people also to go to the banks for spe- 
cie. This drove the banks to collect in their bills. Money was 
soon very scarce there. The people could not, of course, pay the 
merchants there, and therefore the merchants could not pay their 
creditors in New York ; and they, with the manufacturers, and most 
all concerned, had to suffer. This specie fever soon spread most 
every where, and caused a general run upon the banks, which drove 
them to collect in their bills ; but not being able to do it fast enough, 



they had to stop paying specie, or they would soon have h.ad none 
ill the banks. I hope the reader will never forget that our public 
servants caused the law to be violated, to bring about this run upon 
the banks, which has caused these hard times ; for all they could 
say, they could not start the people until they took the lead, and gave 
out orders to the receivers of our public money, for the sale of our 
public lands, not to receive paper money in payment for our land. 

Do not forget that by law the purchasers of our public lands had a 
right to pay bills of banks that paid specie for their bills, but the re- 
ceivers of our money had orders not to receive the bills, and they 
did refuse them. Is it come to this, that one public servant gives 
orders to another servant of ours, to violate the law, and the people 
sustain him. I am pretty certain this is not our awful situation. 
Let the people understand this, then we can judge by their votes. 
Mr. Van Burcn, in his message to Congress, and Col. Benton, and 
Silas Wright, had reference to the law last winter. See if Mr. 
Phillips will deny in the Watchman, that it was not a violation of the 
law to refuse bills of banks that paid specie for their bills, in pay- 
ment for public lands. I presume he will not ; and by his silence he 
acknowledges that it was a violation of the law. 

If they were content after wasting tens of millions of our money, 
and producing the hard times, some people might forgive them ; but 
they are not. Last winter, they endeavored to pass two laws, which 
would have done us a great injury. 

One was to collect of us specie to pay our public officers. This 
would have kept up the cry for specie. The banks would have been 
afraid to lend out their bills, and money would have been very scarce 
again. The other law was sometimes called the sub-treasury, and 
sometimes the independent treasury — and it would have been inde- 
pendent for a while, at the least, it is true. It was to have our money, 
after it was collected, kept by those persons whom I believe are dis- 
honest, instead of those who are honest, as it had formerly been. 

It has been kept in banks ; but for the future it was to be kept by 
such persons as Mr. Van Buren chose, if the Senate agreed to it ; 
and as a part of the leaders of the Senate are dishonest, they would 
of course agree to it. What is a bank, any more than a few persons 
employing agents to take charge of their money, and hire it out. 
Can it be supposed that they would choose dishonest men. If 
you deposite your money in the bank for safe keeping, and it is 
stolen by some person belonging to the bank, or out of it, you suffer 
nothing by it, because the stock is bound to make all losses good ; 



but if the bank should be so unfortunate as to lose all its capital, in 
this extreme case you must lose your money. To show what kind 
of men Mr. Van Buren would choose to keep our money, and also 
what kind of rulers we have, I here present an extract from a letter I 
have published in the newspaper. If the leaders were not like him, he 
would not have dared to be guilty of the infamous crimes I charge 
him with : 

" To the people of Snffolh, of all piarties and creed: — As I pro- 
mised in my first letter to show that Mr. Van Buren had made false 
statements in his messages to Congress, I will now notice one he 
made in his message to the extra session last September. I wish 
every person to notice, and forever remember, that he gave an ac- 
count in that message of the deposite Banks, in reference to their 
receiving and paying out our public money. He states, that in the 
first stages, the measure was eminently successful, notwithstanding 
the violent opposition of the Bank of the United States, and the un- 
ceasing efforts to overthrow it. We are here told by Mr. Van Bu- 
ren, that the United States Bank did, with unceasing efforts, try to 
prevent the deposite Banks from performing the business they had 
undertaken to do for the Government, viz. to receive our public mo- 
ney and pay it out when called for. This charge that Mr. Van 
Buren has made against the United States Bank, I believe it as 
false as if he had made it against me or any other person in this 
county. I know from the lipst authority that Mr. Biddle, the presi- 
dent of the United States Bank of Philadelphia, is one of the best of 
men ; honest, honorable, and liberal. I am well acquainted with 
him, and I know him to be one of the best of citizens, and that he 
would not do such an act, or suffer any one who had any concern 
with the business of the Bank to do such an act. 

For the purpose of satisfying the people, that the charge is false, 
I will make a fair ofi'er. I will give Mr. Van Buren, or any other 
person, one thousand dollars, if he or they will prove the said charge 
he has thus made against the United States bank to be true, to the 
satisfaction of Col. Benjamin Case, of Southhold, Gen. David Wil- 
liamson, of Riverhead, and Capt. Daniel G. Gillet, of Patchogue, or 
any two of them. As two of these gentlemen are administration men, 
no one can complain of the selection. But as I presume that neither 
he nor his friends will attempt to prove that he is clear, and as it is 
very important that the people should know whether he has made a 
false charge or not, now I will prove, to the satisfaction of the above 



named gentlemen, lh.it lie is guilty of making the false charge, if 
any person will give me S300 ; and I will further stipulate, that in 
case I fail to prove the said charge or statement lo he false, I will 
forfeit and pay S500. What will tiie wondering people sa}', if no 
person is to be found to take one of these fair ofiers. They must, 
it appears to me, believe that Mr. Van Buren is guilty of the vile act 
of making a false charge, officially, from his high and exalted station 
as President of the United States, to the assembled Congress of the 
United States. They will also believe that the charges I have made 
against him in my pamphlet are true, as they may depend upon it 
they are true ; and many more I might have made that are also true. 
It is certainly time we began to look around, when we find we have 
a President who will thus deliberately and wilfully make false state- 
ments to Congress, which I assure the people Mr. Van Buren has done. 

I will in my next show one or two more of his false statements in 
his message in December last. WILLIAM .TAGGER." 

June 22d, 1838. 

The following extract is from the letter which I published, in con- 
formity with the promise I made above : 

"As I promised in my last letter to show in my next that Mr. Van 
Buren did make one or two false statements in his Message to Congress 
last December, and the people being desirous to read the President's 
Message as soon as it is delivered, I wish every person in the United 
States might read this extract and remember it, for I will assure them 
there is not the least doubt that part of it which speaks of what Con- 
gress approved and did is as false as any statement that ever was 
made ; and Mr. Van Buren knew it was false when he made it. He 
knew it did not appear from the proceedings of Congress on the 
recommendation of General Jackson, tliat the opinion of both 
branches of the legislature coincided with that of the Executive, 
that any mode of redress known to the laws of nations might justifi- 
ably bo made to get our demands from Mexico, lie also knew it 
was not plain that Congress believed with the President that another 
demand should be made in order to give undeniable and satisfactory 
proof of our desire to avoid extremities with a neighboring power. 
I here present an extract from the Message above alluded to: 

' The aggravating circumstances connected with our claims upon 
Mexico, and a variety of events touching the honor and integrity of 
our Government, led my predecessor to make, at the second sessioa 



10 

of the late Congress, a special recomnienclatiofi of the course to be 
pursued to obtain a speedy and final satisfaction of the injuries com- 
plained of by this Government and by our citizens. He recommend- 
ed a final demand of redress, with a contingent anthority to the Ex- 
ecutive to make reprisals, if that demand should be made in vain. 
From the proceedings of Congress on that recommendation, it ap- 
peared that the opinion of both branches of the Legislature coin- 
cided with that of the Executive, that any mode of redress known to 
the law of nations might justifiably be used. It was obvious, too, 
that Congress believed, with the President, that another demand 
should be made, in order to give undeniable and satisfactory proof 
of our desire to avoid extremities with a neighboring power.' 

To better satisfy the people that Blr; Van Buren did make a false 
statement in his Message to Congress, as I have above described, I 
will here make him a fair offer: I will give Mr. Van Buren, 
or any other person, one thousand dollars, if he or any other person will 
prove to the satisfaction of Col. Benjamin Case, Southold, Gen. Da- 
vid Williamson, Riverhead, and Capt. Daniel G. Gillet, Patchouge, 
or any two of them, (as two of these gentlemen are administration 
men, no one can complain of the selection,) that both branches of the 
Legislature did agree with the opinion of the Executive, that any mode 
of redress known to the law of nations might justifiably be used to get 
our dues from Mexico; and also, that it was obvious, too, that Congress 
believed with tho Proeident that another demand should be made in 
order to give undeniable and satisfactory proof of our desire to avoid 
extremities with a neighboring power. 

But as I presume neither Mr. Van Buren nor his friends will at- 
tempt to prove that he is clear of making these false statements, and 
as it is very important that the people should know whether he has 
made them or not, now I will prove to the satisfaction of the above 
named gentlemen, that he is guilty of making these false statements, 
if Mr. Van Buren or any other person will give me $300 : and I will 
further stipulate, that in case I fail of making this proof, I will for- 
feit and pay $500. 

You may recollect, that Mr. Adams, in one of his speeches last 
winter, did charge Mr. Van Buren with making a false statement in 
his Message to Congress, in reference to our affairs with Mexico. I 
called on Mr. Adams to ascertain the true state of the case. And I 
wish you to take particular notice of what Mr. Adams stated to me, 
and compare it with what Mr. Van Buren states ; for we can prove 



11 

Tthich was right by ihe Journals of Congress. Mr. Adams in- 
formed me, that Gen. Jackson's Message, which Mr. Van Bureii 
has referred to, was sent to the Committee, who made a report upon it 
to the House, but the members did not see fit to act upon that report ; 
there the report died. As the House did not act upon the report, and 
they of course did not express any opinion in favor of what Gen. 
Jackson had recon)mended in his Message ; their not acting upon 
the report of the Committee, is proof enough ihey did not approve 
of what Gen. Jackson had recommended in reference to our affairs 
with Mexico The members of the House compose one branch of 
the Legislature, which, Mr. Van Buren says, did agree with the Ex- 
ecutive on this subject. But if they did not act upon tiie report of 
the Committee, then it is not true that both branches of the Legislature 
did agree with the Executive, as Mr. Van Buren states they did. 

There is no necessity of our contending which is correct, Mr. Van 
Buren or Mr. Adams, in this matter; for the Journals of Congress 
will certainly show what was done. If any person will come for- 
ward and take one of these fair offers, we soon will settle the case. 
But as it is presumed no one will dare do it, Mr. Van Buren must 
stand forth to the world, guilty of the charges which I have here 
made against him. 

Mr. Adams further stated, that they made an appropriation to send 
a Minister to Mexico, of the highest order ; but Mr. Van Buren, re- 
gardless of what Congress did, sent, as he states in his Message, a 
special messenger to INIexico to make a final demand of redress. 
This proceeding of Mr. Van Buren, Mr. Adams said in his speech 
last winter, was an insult to Mexico. 

Here, then, we are boasting of the honor of the nation, with a 
Chief Magistrate making wilful false statements in his Messages to 
Congress, to mislead the people and insult a foreign government ! 

You may wish to know why he has done this. It was, no doubt, 
done by him to keep up an excitement, and lead the people off from 
investigating his monstrous waste of our money. And such an ad- 
ministration ought and must be put down, as it has shown that it is 
not fit to manage our affairs ; for if we do continue them, we miay 
be saddled with another national debt, incurred without any cause, 
and without producing any benefit." 

No one need doubt but that Mr. Adams gave me a correct state- 
ment of our affairs with Mexico, and I am very sure I have related 
it to you as he did to me. Nor need there be a doubt but that Mr. 
Van Buren gave a mis-statement in reference to our Mexican affairs. 



12 

It may be said, I am rather hard, to speak of Mr. Van Buren as 
I do. Please notice, I only republish to a few what he has to all 
the people. As he does not regard making and publishing to the 
world false statements, how can it appear for me to be wrong to 
assist him in making them better understood by those who do not 
take time to examine them. 

I have read Mr. Bond's speech upon the resolution offered for 
the correction of abuses in the public expenditures, and for the se- 
paration of the government from the press, delivered in the House 
of Representatives in April, 183S. I have the two Blue Books 
from which Mr. Bond has taken his statements ; I have examined 
part of them, and hnd those to be substantially correct, according 
in every particular with the books. I have been informed by a 
number of menibers of Congress, who were present when Mr. 
Bond delivered his speech, that they never heard any reply to it, 
or that any f his statements were attempted to be controverted. 
You will notice, that his opponents had from April to July to reply 
to his speech ; and as it was not answered during that time, we 
may safely infer, that Mr. Bond has stated nothing but the truth, 
and that no reply could be made to his allegations. As his state- 
ments were taken from public documents, that is, from the Blue 
Books, which are published by the Secretary of State, and as no 
reply has been attempted in the House, I can scarce conceive what 
stronger proof we can have of his correctness ; and I really think 
that this speech ought to be received as accurate, by the people, 
and carefully read and preserved. Its topics are important — it 
shows them the great necessity of a reform ; it shows that much 
was said about reform when IN'Ir. Adams was piesident ; and it has 
a number of extracts from reports made by the great reformers of 
that day, or rather those that pretended to be so. The next we 
hear from these reformers is, that they have the management of our 
affairs. But instead of making a reform, as they promised to do, 
we find they are practising the very same measures they warned 
the people against so emphatically, and most strenuously carrying 
out the measures they before so loudly condemned. 

I have also read the speech of Mr. Duncan, on the bill making 
appropriations for harbours, and said to have been delivered in re- 
ply to that of Mr. Bond. This speech of Mr. Duncan's, I have no 
doubt in my mind, was written and published for the purpose of 



13 

deceiving tlie people. The title of this speech purjjoits, that it was 
delivered in the House of Representatives, on Saturday, the 7lh of 
July, 1838. But this said speech of Mr. Duncan was not delivered 
in the House, as stated, neither do I believe it was written for the 
purpose of being delivered there ; for if the intention was that lie 
should deliver it there, that intention would have been carried 
through. If it was intended to be delivered in the House, why 
wa.s it kept back till the evening of the last day of the session. Mr. 
Bond would not have had time to answer Mr. Duncan that even- 
ing, if his speech had been all false. That is not all, why did not 
Mr. Duncan give notice, if he was going to deliver a speech in re- 
ply to Mr. Bond, if he intended to reply to him, instead of saying 
he was going to deliver a speech on the Harbor Bill. I cannot 
see the least apology that can be made for them ; and upon them 
must lay the crime of imposing Mr. D's speech upon the people. 
What better proof can we ask for, of the correctness of Mr. 
Bond's speech, than to know that his opponents, whom he had held 
up to the people in his speech, as deceivers, did not an- 
swer him ; and what further evidence of the incorrectness of Mr. 
Duncan's published one, which was 7wt delivered in the House, than 
the fact that he never gave notice of even a wish to reply to Mr. 
Bond. 

In order to show that this speech of Mr. Duncan was intend- 
ed for deception, I will relate the way in which it got before 
the public. On the 7th of July, the members of the House were 
acting upon the harbor bill ; and Mr. Duncan, in the evening of 
that day, stated that he wished to make a speech on that bill. This 
bill had been a number of weeks before the House, and they 
wished to get through with it, as they had other business to do. 
From want of time, Mr. Duncan was not permitted to make the 
speech ; he then stated, if they would allow him to publish it, he 
would not insist on delivering it ; part of the members told him to 
publish ; others said he should not. Mr. Bond appeared to be 
afraid there was a catch in it, and told him not to publish a speech 
in reply to his, without delivering it, as he was pi-epared to answer 
him. Mr. Duncan did not state that he had a speech to make in re- 
ply to Mr. Bond, but that he wished to make one on the harbor 
bill, and should publish it ; and accordingly we have a speech pub- 
lished under his name, purporting to be in reply to that of Mr. 
Bond. To put this at rest, I make the following offer : If any 
person will give me $150, I will prove that Mr. Duncan's speech 



14 

was not delivered in the House, and that no notice was given by 
him, or any other person, that he wished to reply to Mr. Bond ; 
which I will prove to the satisfaction of Gen. AVilliamson and Col. 
Case, — gentlemen whom I have before named in this pamphlet, 
{both administration men.) And I further stipulate to jiay $500, if 
I do not prove it to the satisfaction of the above named gentlemen. 
I will again mention, that this offer to speak was made on 
Saturday, July 7, the last day of the session, as Congress only met 
on JMonday in order to adjourn. If the people will countenance a 
sj^eech which comes to them in this way, there will no longer be 
any difficulty in answering any thing that is said in Congress ; but 
if people will reflect on the consequences, I am certain they will 
condemn speeches of this kind as unworthy their notice, and me- 
riting their contempt. I will only notice a few of Mr. Duncan's 
statements, and then let his speech pass. 

Mr. Duncan, in his attempt to controvert Mr. Bond's statements, 
says, among other things, that there are few j^ublic offices, if any, 
in which the business has not accumulated to a greater extent than 
the clerks have been increased ; and that the expenditures of the 
public offices have been increased only in proportion to the increase 
of population and business. He says, that it has not been asserted 
that the clerks which have been added have not sufficient business 
to employ them, or that the public business could in any manner 
be done without them, anrl that their compensation has not been 
increased beyond a proper remuneration for their services. This 
is not true, — for the public money has been lavishly squan- 
dered, as I will show, by the following extract from a pamphlet I 
published last year : 

" I will state one way they resort to, for the purpose of getting 
rid of our money, and to have it serve themselves,, as I believe it 
does, in the end, as well as the receivers. I was credibly informed 
there was thirty-five persons attended at the Capitol, including six- 
teen boys. The age of these boys was from ten to fifteen years ; 
these thirty-five persons did receive, in my opinion, one third more 
than they ought to — that is, I know as good can be employed to do 
the same for one third less. One filled the lamps, six walked and 
sat about the Rotunda, and read the newspapers, if they pleased. 
Part of them occasionally were posted in another place : six folded 
documents ; six made fires ; the boys occasionally carried a petition 
to the speaker, or a glass of water, &c. And, in addition to their 



15 

wages, each one of the thirty-five persons, (including the sixteen 
boys,) they gave $250 apiece of our money. The sum given avi^ay, 
over and above their wages, is $8,750 ; each of these boys received 
Si. 50 per day; this sum of $250 added to their wages, gives each 
boy near $400 for his services for about three months in the win- 
ter ; they are not, I presume, more than half of the time at the 
Capitol, and half of these boys are better, I am credibly iaflfrmed 
by the raembei's, than the sixteen, as they are in one another's way. 
I went to see Mr. Adams, for the purpose of ascertaining how 
many boys attended, when he was president, to do the same work ; 
he informed me, from four to six ; as there is more members at 
the House at this time, one more may be needed. There was so 
much said, by some of the members, about having so many boys, 
they thought three or four boys left the House, after Congress 
broke up. I was in conversation with one of the thirty-five per- 
sons, who was to receive the $250, and he informed me that the 
sixteen boys did stay, during the session of Congress." I appeal to 
the people to decide this case — Mr. Duncan's declaration without 
any evidence, and mine with what I have presented. 

Mr. Duncan also makes a statement, in his pretended speech, 
that shows an abominable waste of public money. He says, that 
the Indians have ceded to the United States eighteen millions two 
hundred and fifty thousand acres of land ; for which, the govern- 
ment have stipulated to pay them, in land, money, &c. the sura of 
seventy-two millions five hundred and sixty thousand dollars ; and 
he says, it is expected that all this should have been done at no in- 
crease of expenditure over that in 1828. 

What, shall this wasteful, extravagant expenditure, be held up as 
a merit in the government 1 Shall the giving nearly four dollars an 
acre for land, which we at present sell for one dollar and twenty- 
five cents, be made an apology for the increase of expenditures 1 
— No ; this cannot be. But it shows to what desperate shifts the 
apologists of government are driven ; for, you will take notice, 
Mr. Duncan does not say that the sum has been actually paid, but 
puts it down in such a way as to induce the people to believe that 
it has been. Such is the craft which they resort to, by which the 
people are deceived, ^efore I quit this subject, I would notice 
Mr. Duncan's attempt to impeach the characters of Messrs. Gales 
and Seaton, editors of the National Intelligencer. But these 



16 



gonilemen are beyond such attacks, for they enjoy the con- 
fidence of the wise and the good. The first winter I resided at 
Washington, 1 noticed the high standing in which their paper was 
held by all parties — it seemed to me, that it was the standard for 
truth Avith all the people. As men, they enjoy the respect of their 
fellow citizens, for gentility, honesty, and liberality. I say thus 
muclM|^'' these gentlemen from a sense of duty, as they have been, 
in my opinion, causelessly slandered. Such attacks recoil on those 
who make them, and show the desperation of the cause they are 
intended to support. 

But I now close — Is more proof asked, for to satisfy you our 
leaders are unworthy of our support 1 If so, I can give it. I 
thought I had given you enough before. I assure you, we run no 
risk to pass these nem by and put others in their place. I sincerely 
hope the people will do their best to do it. Can we, as a nation, 
expect to be happy and prosperous, with such wicked rulers 1 1 
know, from the best authority, that we have plenty of honest and 
capable men, whom we could call to the management of our af- 
fairs, and such men we should support, and none other. 

Can a man, who professes to be a Christian— who believes my statements, 
consistently, give his vote for the pur^wsc of continuing such men to rule 
over us; can he excuse himself by saying he does it to "keep worse men from . 
t/i/;ir places 1 Let such a man reflect, how these men get into office. Who does 
not know that it has been the established rule to reward those who could help the - 
party the most 1 To do that, he muct get votes. I liave known a number of pret- 
ty fiiir men to tell for the truth, what they, I presume, did not believe, to get rotes. 
They saw they must do something, or no office was for them. Poor creatures, so they 
fall. You see, this would call forth the most sly, subtle, cunning and slippery 
men among us. By that rule being carried out, without any reference to any thino- 
but his ability to help the party, we find our well known conjuror and non- 
committal at the head, and those who have the greatest proportion of his skill, close 
to him. As Gov. Marcy said, " To the victors belong the spoils," and he too, well 
understands the craft, as well as Silas Wright and Cambreling. Good man, your 
reason will not do, for I presume such as these cannot be found, so you had 
better stay at home upon the election days, and we will try and get business to 
rights again without you. 

To conclude — I am generally well known to you ; and from the 
respect you pay me, I believe you think me a man above tryino- to 
mislead you. I have published several pamphlets, and the state- 
ments I have made in them, I have never "seen denied ; indeed, I 
have been so careful in making them, that they could not be, being 
founded on the solid basis of truth. In this pamphlet I have pur- 
sued the same course ; my statements being drawn from the same 
foundation. 



LB N 'iO * ^ '^f/ 



